At West Point, Hidden Gay Cadets Put in Spotlight

WEST POINT, N.Y. — Code words, secret societies, covert meetings, fake identities: these are tools that a certain set of cadets learn here at the United States Military Academy at West Point.

These cadets are not spies or moles. They are gay, and they exist largely in the shadows of this granite institution known for producing presidents and generals, where staying closeted is essential to avoid discharge under the military’s “don’t ask, don’t tell” policy.

“The most important thing I’ve learned here is how to be a good actor,” said one gay male cadet, who grew up in Philadelphia and is in his fourth year at the academy.

The resignation this month of Katherine Miller, a top cadet who blogged anonymously about her lesbianism, has turned a spotlight on the hidden gay culture here and revived debate on campus about “don’t ask, don’t tell,” at a time when Washington is also focused on the issue.

Ms. Miller, who wrote under the name “Private Second Class Citizen” about enduring gay slurs and faking a heterosexual dating history, is transferring to Yale University this fall and has become something of a media celebrity, appearing on “The Rachel Maddow Show” on MSNBC and on ABC News.

Interviews with three gay cadets, who spoke on the condition of anonymity because revealing their identities could result in expulsion, as well as conversations with Ms. Miller and several gay alumni, painted a portrait of a vibrant, if tiny, gay underground at West Point. The hiding begins on Day 1: new cadets must sign a document acknowledging that revealing one’s homosexuality can lead to discharge, as can demonstrating “a propensity to engage in homosexual acts.”

In 1996, three female cadets resigned after West Point officials found a diary belonging to one of them that revealed their sexual orientation. In 2002, the academy discharged a cadet after his profile was discovered on a gay Web site. Ms. Miller, whose blog began in April but apparently eluded academy officials, said she quit voluntarily by submitting a letter revealing her lesbianism.

Asked about gay culture at West Point, Lt. Col. Brian Tribus, the academy’s director of public affairs, issued a statement saying that the school “will continue to apply the law as it is obligated to do,” but also noting that cadets must take military ethics classes that include “topics about unconditional positive respect for others.”

For gay cadets, repressing their sexuality is just one part of adapting to West Point, where life is regimented and lived mostly in uniform. Romance of any kind can be difficult: the 4,400 cadets, who live in one complex of large barracks and eat together at huge weekday breakfasts and lunches in Washington Hall, are allowed to date but not to kiss or hold hands while in uniform. “It’s like living in a snow globe,” said one lesbian cadet, who is in her third year.

But she and others said the lack of social freedom only primed the active social grapevine at the academy. They said that they knew at least 20 lesbian cadets (West Point is about 15 percent female), and that when a friend recently drew a diagram showing who had had relationships with whom, it revealed a tight web.

Trying to divine other lesbians takes “really finely tuned gaydar,” said another lesbian cadet, who is a senior, or “firstie.” There are code words and test phrases: “Are you family?” refers to inclusion in the lesbian sisterhood. Or cadets might throw out references to the television show “The L Word” to gauge the response.

An encounter during military maneuvers might result in flirtatious Facebook messaging back in the barracks. Those who earn weekend passes might make late-night runs to gay bars in Manhattan, about 50 miles away, or to gay parties on nearby college campuses, often with students they met through intercollegiate sports.

The two lesbian cadets described all this at 9 o’clock one night last week at Jefferson Library, amid dozens of classmates dressed in immaculately pressed gray uniforms, sitting up straight and studying textbooks. Both said they had been openly gay in high school but found gay socializing nearly impossible during the strict first year at West Point, then began to confide in a tight group of loyal friends as liberties increased.

“Anyone you meet here,” the senior female cadet said, “you have to assess their personality very closely, and see if you can trust them.”

To continue reading this story in The New York Times, click here.

Iowa PFLAGers Recognized for Their Human Rights Work

The Huffeys receive their award. From left, Bill Musser of Decorah, representing PFLAG Northeast Iowa; George and Jean Huffey; Brooke Smith, senior policy and field coordinator of the PFLAG national office; and Dean Genth, president of the Iowa Council of PFLAG Chapters.

Jean and George Huffey of rural Waterville were recognized recently for their service to Parents, Families, and Friends of Lesbians and Gays PFLAG, a national organization with chapters throughout the United States.

The Huffeys were awarded a plaque which read: "With respect and gratitude, the PFLAG National Office, the Iowa PFLAG Council of Chapters, and the members of PFLAG Northeast Iowa recognize Jean and George Huffey for their years of dedicated service to PFLAG and their longstanding commitment to support, education, and advocacy on behalf of the LGBT community."

The award was given at a recent multi-state conference, "Achieving Marriage Equality in the Heartland," at Luther College in Decorah. The Huffeys were founders of the PFLAG Northeast Iowa chapter in 1996.

Stanford Study Examines Role of Gay Parents, Finds No Disadvantage to Children

By mining data from the 2000 Census, sociologist Michael Rosenfeld figured out the rates at which kids raised by gay and straight couples repeated a grade during elementary or middle school. He found that children of same-sex parents have essentially the same educational achievement as their peers growing up in heterosexual households.

In nearly every discussion, debate or lawsuit about gay marriage, the talk at some point turns to family values.

Do gay couples make for good parents? Will their children – whether adopted, conceived with the help of a surrogate or brought in from a pre-existing relationship – adjust, adapt and succeed in a world dominated by traditional families?

The answers usually depend on who's giving them, and come dressed in anecdotes and colored by bias. But Stanford sociologist Michael Rosenfeld brings something new to the conversation: facts and figures derived from the country's largest data bank – the U.S. Census.

In a study published this month in the journal Demography, Rosenfeld concludes that children being raised by same-sex couples have nearly the same educational achievement as children raised by married heterosexual couples.

By mining data from the 2000 Census, Rosenfeld was able to figure out the rates at which children in all types of families repeated a grade during elementary or middle school. According to his findings, nearly 7 percent of children raised by heterosexual married couples were held back a year, while about 9.5 percent of children living with adults identifying themselves as same-sex partners repeated a grade.

The difference between the groups pretty much vanishes when taking into account that the heterosexual couples were slightly more educated and wealthier than most gay parents, Rosenfeld said.

"The census data show that having parents who are the same gender is not in itself any disadvantage to children," he said. "Parents' income and education are the biggest indicators of a child's success. Family structure is a minor determinant."

Rosenfeld's findings have been cited by lawyers fighting Proposition 8, the gay marriage ban passed by California voters in 2008. A federal court judge recently overturned the ban, but his ruling is under appeal.

Rosenfeld's study shows that children of gay and married couples had lower grade-repetition rates than their peers raised by opposite-sex unmarried couples and single parents. And all children living in some type of family environment did much better than those living in group housing. Those who were awaiting adoption or placement in a foster home were held back about 34 percent of the time.

"One of the fundamental issues in modern family law that differs from state to state is whether same-sex couples can adopt," Rosenfeld said. "My research makes clear that there's a huge advantage to kids to be out of the care of the state and into the care of any family, even if the family is not perfectly optimal."

Educators, policymakers and social scientists have long known that children left back in school are at greater risk than their peers for not finishing high school and getting into trouble.

Because gays and lesbians make up such a tiny sliver of the American population – only 1 percent – it has been difficult for researchers to conduct a representative study of how their children perform in the classroom. And gay marriage opponents have criticized earlier studies for having sample sizes that are too small.

"Sample size is power," Rosenfeld said. "And the census is the biggest sample we have. This study is based on a sample of thousands and thousands of kids."

Most personal decisions about gay marriage are based on gut feelings, religious beliefs and individual experiences. Rosenfeld knows his research isn't going to change the minds of most people opposed to same-sex unions. But he has added new data to the debate that helps debunk assertions – whether based on a lack of knowledge or some unfounded fear – that children raised by gay couples cannot thrive.

"Social scientists have an obligation to shed light where they can on issues that are roiling the public," he said. "Sometimes we have to throw up our hands and admit that something is unknowable. But in this case, we could bring some real hard data to bear on an area that was otherwise really in the dark."

Protest at Military Funeral Ignites a Test of Free Speech

Albert Snyder tears up, then turns angry as he recalls burying his Marine son while members of the anti-gay fundamentalist Westboro Baptist Church picketed nearby.

"I can remember being presented the flag at the graveyard. I can remember saluting the coffin," Snyder says of the unusually balmy day in March 2006 when the family memorialized Matthew, a lance corporal killed in Iraq.

Yet, Snyder says, he can't separate such moments from the memory that his only son's funeral was picketed by fundamentalist pastor Fred Phelps and his followers with an inflammatory message that had nothing to do with Matthew.

Disconnecting the death of his 20-year-old son from his reaction to the protests "became very difficult."

Snyder, who sued Phelps for his distress, says he feels like he has been stabbed, and the wound will not heal.

The case has grown beyond a single clash between a devastated father and an attention-seeking, fire-and-brimstone group into a major test of speech rights and of safeguards for the sanctity of military funerals. The Supreme Court will hear the case Oct. 6, a crucial First Amendment challenge against the poignant backdrop of war deaths, family suffering and the military's "don't ask, don't tell" policy that allows gays and lesbians to serve — as long as their sexual orientation remains secret.

Fourteen sets of outside organizations have entered the case. Those siding with Snyder include a majority of the states and a bipartisan group of U.S. senators, led by Harry Reid, D-Nev., and Mitch McConnell, R-Ky. Free speech groups, such as the American Civil Liberties Union, say they find Phelps' message horrific but that such speech is exactly what the First Amendment was intended to protect.

Supporters of Snyder, including the Veterans of Foreign Wars and the states, emphasize the importance of protecting the privacy of grieving families and minimize the value of the Phelps' speech.

Phelps, who preaches that God hates gay people and protests what he views as the nation's tolerance of homosexuality — particularly the "don't ask, don't tell" policy — brushes off Snyder's anguish. In a telephone interview from his Topeka home, Phelps says the father's claim of emotional injuries is exaggerated.

"He ought to be very thankful to us that we ... warn people about the perils of sinful conduct that will destroy a nation," Phelps says.

Phelps knew nothing about Matthew Snyder, who was not gay, beyond that his funeral in Westminster, Md., offered the chance to draw attention to Phelps' message. Among the signs he brought were some that said, "Thank God for Dead Soldiers."Snyder sued Phelps and family members who were the primary demonstrators for the distress he suffered from their picketing and a Web video the Phelpses created about their protest. Snyder won a $5 million verdict in 2007. A federal appeals court overturned the judgment last year, saying the Phelps protest was protected by the First Amendment.

The dispute before the Supreme Court involves Maryland law, yet cases related to the Phelpses and other local laws are simmering across the country. The issue for the justices in Snyder v. Phelps is an individual's claim for damages from offensive messages, not the validity of government limits on protests near funerals.

"Free speech ideals usually are pretty abstract," observes University of Missouri law professor Christina Wells, who has written extensively on protesters' rights. "People say we agree with the First Amendment but when we get into areas that are offensive, like flag burning, people are much less tolerant."

Wells is among several scholars of First Amendment law, civil libertarians and news media representatives who have joined briefs stressing the need to protect odious speech.

The Veterans of Foreign Wars, among the groups on Snyder's side, counters in its brief, "If Albert Snyder, a grieving father of an American hero, cannot seek remedy from (Phelps and his relatives) for the emotional torment (they) viciously imposed upon him, what purpose do our laws serve?"

"You only get one chance to do a burial," adds Harrisburg, Pa., lawyer Timothy Nieman, who wrote the VFW's filing. He says the Westboro protest created "a circus atmosphere at a private, sanctified time."

To continue reading this story in USA Today, click here.

Trans Victory in Pennsylvania Driver's License Policy

The Pennsylvania Department of Transportation has changed its gender identification policies for driver's licenses to better accommodate transgender people, The Philadelphia Inquirer reports.

Equality Pennsylvania and PennDOT announced the change Wednesday, explaining that the past policy allowed for a gender change on the licenses only if the driver could present proof of sex-reassignment surgery. Now trans-identified drivers can request the identification change as long as they are living full-time in the new gender and can back it up with verification from a licensed medical or psychological caregiver — no surgery required.

Memphis Tables Proposed Non-Discrimination Ordinance

Councilwoman Janis Fullilove

A controversial city ordinance that's generated conflict, debate and even death threats is now dead in the water.

Gay rights group Tennessee Equality Project requested that Councilwoman Janis Fullilove withdraw the Employment Non-Discrimination Ordinance (ENDO) that would have protected gay and lesbian job seekers from discrimination when applying for jobs with the City of Memphis or its contractors.

ENDO was up for three readings in City Council, but members of TEP say it was clear from the first, it would not get a fair shake.

“It became very apparent that it was being treated differently, and it became very, very apparent we were not going to get a fair hearing from the majority of the council members,” Michelle Bliss, Vice-Chair for the Shelby County TEP said.

Local clergy came out hard against the measure. They say ENDO’s wording would have made for a slippery slope and those behind it had an agenda.

“It was a subtle move to desensitize what's taking place as a way to ease in a life style and to cause everyone who's against it to agree with it,” Bishop Edward Stephens from Golden Gate Cathedral said.

Stephens and other clergymen felt the ordinance’s language would have opened the floodgates for various kinds of homosexual expression, even allowing gay employees to come to work dressed as a man one day and a woman the next.

“The ultimate question is where does all of this end? From here, then to the school, to the teachers. Where does this really stop?” Stephens asked.

Fullilove expressed disappointment at ENDO’s failure, thanks largely in part to “close-minded” council members and lack of support from Mayor A C Wharton.

TEP said they plan to bring the issue before the Mayor and City Council again when they feel they can get a fair shake from city leaders.

Family Equality Council, GLSEN, PFLAG Laud Introduction of Enumerated Anti-Bullying Bill in Michigan

Family Equality Council; GLSEN, the Gay, Lesbian and Straight Education Network, and its Michigan chapters; and PFLAG, Parents, Families and Friends of Lesbians and Gays National, and its Michigan chapters laud last week’s introduction of an enumerated anti-bullying bill in the Michigan Senate by Sen. Gretchen Whitmer. Enumerated bills include a list of characteristics most often targeted for bullying or harassment.

“We commend Senator Whitmer for introducing an enumerated anti-bullying bill that will provide strong protections for all Michigan students,” the organizations said in a statement. “Research shows that naming the problem is particularly important in addressing all forms of bullying. We know this is especially true when it comes to actual or perceived sexual orientation and gender identity/expression. We urge Michigan’s elected leaders to protect all of Michigan’s students by supporting Senator Whitmer’s bill.”

The Harris Interactive Report From Teasing to Torment: School Climate in America found that students who live in states with enumerated policies are less likely than those with a generic, non-enumerated policy or no policy at all to say that bullying is a very or somewhat serious problem at school (33% vs. 44%).

The bullying problem is especially severe for LGBT students (lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender). A GLSEN research brief found that 87% of Michigan LGBT students had been harassed in school in the past year.